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Southern American English

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Southern American English is a group of dialects of the English language spoken throughout the Southern region of the United States, from central Kentucky and northern Virginia to the Gulf Coast and from the Atlantic coast to eastern Texas. Southern American English can be divided into different sub-dialects (see American English), with speech differing between, for example, Texas and the coastal area around Charleston, South Carolina. The dialect spoken to various degrees by many African Americans, African American Vernacular English (AAVE), shares many similarities with Southern dialect, unsurprising given that group's strong historical ties to the region.

The Southern American English dialect is often stigmatized (as are other American English dialects such as New York-New Jersey English). Therefore, many speakers of this dialect sometimes attempt to eliminate many of its more distinctive features from their personal idiolect, settling for a more "neutral-sounding" English (General American), though more often this involves changes more in phonetics than vocabulary. Well-known speakers of Southern dialect include United States Presidents Jimmy Carter and Bill Clinton along with playwright Tennessee Williams and singer Elvis Presley.

Contents

Overview of the Southern dialect

The overall Southern dialect generally includes the Confederate states that seceded from the United States during the American Civil War, plus those that were divided by the conflict. The general southern dialect has its origins in the English immigrants who moved to the South in the 17th and 18th centuries, of whom most were of European Celtic origins (according to an 1860 census, "three-quarters of white Southerners had surnames that were Scottish, Irish or Welsh in origin." [1]). These immigrants brought with them a very distinct style of English speaking, which was then combined with the African languages spoken by the African Americans who were at this time enslaved in the South. Over time this cultural and linguistic diversity combined with the South's rural isolation, and longtime use and familiarity with the King James Version of the Bible in religious life, to produce a unique American dialect.

The Southern dialect in some form can be found chiefly in the States of Alabama, Georgia, Florida, Tennessee, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas, Texas, Oklahoma, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Kentucky, West Virginia, and the Ozark and Little Dixie areas in Missouri. The dialect found in the remaining rural areas of tidewater Maryland is similar to the dialect found in Virginia, and some experts have also suggested that the dialect found in two of Delaware's three counties is related to Southern. There are also places in Kansas, New Mexico, Colorado, and Arizona, where the prevailing dialect is Southern in character, due to historical settlement by Southerners. Also, the speech patterns in the rural areas of the southernmost Counties of Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois - all originally settled by Southerners - can also be considered Southern.

Phonology

Few generalizations can be made about Southern pronunciation as a whole, as there is great variation between regions in the south (see the different southern American English dialects section below for more information) and between older and younger people. Southern American English as we know it began to take its current shape only after WWII.

The following features are characteristic of older SAE, and the younger a speaker is the less likely he or she is to use these features:

  • Like Australian English and English English, the English of the coastal Deep South is historically non-rhotic: it drops the sound of final /r/ before a consonant or a word boundary, so that guard sounds similar to god (but the former has a longer vowel than the latter) and sore like saw. Intrusive /r/, where an /r/ sound is inserted at a word break between two vowel sounds ("lawr and order") is not a feature of coastal SAE, as it is in many other non-rhotic accents. Today only some areas like New Orleans, Mobile, Savannah, and Norfolk have non-rhotic speakers (Labov, Ash, and Bomberg 2006: 47-48). Non-rhoticity is rapidly disappearing from almost all Southern accents, to a greater degree than it has been lost in the other traditionally non-rhotic dialects of the East Coast such as New York and Boston. The remaining non-rhotic SAE speakers also use intrusive r, like New England and New York City.
/ɹ/ → 0 | before /+con/
/ɹ/ → 0 | before #
  • The distinction between the vowels sounds of words like caught and cot or talk and tock is mainly preserved. In much of the Deep South, the vowel found in words like talk and caught has developed into a diphthong, so that it sounds like the diphthong used in the word loud in the Northern United States.
  • The distinction between /ɔr/ and /or/, as in horse and hoarse, for and four etc., is preserved.
  • The wine-whine merger has not occurred, and these two words are pronunced with /w/ and /hw/ respectively.
  • Lack of yod-dropping, thus pairs like do/due and loot/lute are distinct. Historically, words like due, lute, and new contained /juː/ (as RP does), but Labov, Ash, and Boberg (2006: 53-54) report that the only Southern speakers today who make a distinction use a diphthong /ɪu/ in such words. They further report that speakers with the distinction are found primarily in North Carolina and northwest South Carolina, and in a corridor extending from Jackson to Tallahassee.
  • The distinction between /ær/, /ɛr/, and /er/ in marry, merry, and Mary may be preserved by older speakers, but fewer young people make a distinctaion. The r-sound becomes almost a vowel, and may be elided after a long vowel, as it often is in AAVE.

The following phenomena are relatively wide spread in Newer SAE, though degree of features may differ between different regions and between rural and urban areas. The older the speaker the less likely he or she is to have these features:

  • The merger of [ɛ] and [ɪ] before nasal consonants, so that pen and pin are pronounced the same, but the pin-pen merger is not found in New Orleans, Savannah, or Miami. This sound change has spread beyond the south in recent decades and is now quite widespread in the Midwest and West as well.
  • The diphthong /aɪ/ becomes monophthongized to [aː]. Some speakers exhibit this feature at the ends of words and before voiced consonants but Canadian-style raising before voiceless consonants, so that ride is [raːd] and wide is [waːd], but right is [rəɪt] and white is [wəɪt]; others monophthongize /aɪ/ in all contexts. The [aː]-sound tends toward an [/æː/]-sound throughout most of the region, so that word pairs like rod (SAE [raːd], normally pronounced without any noticeable rounding) and ride (SAE [ræːd]) are never confused.
/aɪ/ → [aː]
  • Lax and tense vowels often merge before /l/, making pairs like feel/fill and fail/fell homophones for speakers in some areas of the South. Some speakers may distinguish between the two sets of words by reversing the normal vowel sound, e.g., feel in SAE may sound like fill, and vice versa (Labov, Ash, and Boberg 2006: 69-73). The final 'l'-sound in words like fool may be elided altogether, as it normally is in AAVE.[citation needed]

And the following features are also associated with SAE:

  • /z/ becomes [d] before /n/, for example [wʌdn̩t] wasn't, [bɪdnɪs] business, but hasn't is sometimes still pronounced [hæzənt] because there already exists a word hadn't pronounced [hædənt].
/z/ → [d] | before /n/
  • Many nouns are stressed on the first syllable that would be stressed on the second syllable in other accents. These

include police, cement, Detroit, Thanksgiving and behind.

  • The Southern Drawl, or the diphthongization or triphthongization of the traditional short front vowels as in the words pat, pet, and pit: these develop a glide up from their original starting position to [j], and then in some cases back down to schwa.
/æ/ → [æjə]
/ɛ/ → [ɛjə]
/ɪ/ → [ɪjə]
  • The Southern (Vowel) Shift, a chain shift of vowels which is described by Labov as:
    • [ɪ] moves to be come a high front vowel, and [ɛ] to become a mid front vowel. In a parallel shift, [i] and [e] move to become central vowels with [i] behind [e].
    • The back vowels /u/ in boon and /o/ in code shift considerably forward.
    • The open back unrounded vowel /ɑr/ card shifts upward towards /ɔ/ board, which in turn moves up towards the old location of /u/ in boon. This particular shift probably does not occur for speakers with the cot-caught merger.
  • The distinction between /ɝr/ and /ʌr/ in furry and hurry is preserved.
  • In some regions of the south, there is a merger of [ɔr] and [ɑr], making cord and card, for and far, form and farm etc. homonyms.
  • The distinction between /ɪr/ and /iːr/ in mirror and nearer, Sirius and serious etc. is preserved.
  • /i/ is replaced with /ɛ/ at the end of a word, so that furry is pronounced as /fɝrɛ/ ("furreh")
  • The distinction between the vowels that produce minimal pairs pour and poor, more and moor is preserved.
  • The l's in the words walk and talk are occasionally pronounced, causing the words talk and walk to be pronounced /wɑlk/ and /tɑlk/ by some southerners. A sample of that pronunciation can be found at http://www.utexas.edu/courses/linguistics/resources/socioling/talkmap/talk-nc.html.

Grammar

These features are characteristic of both older Southern American English, which underwent massive change during Reconstruction after the American Civil War, and is now largely rural and rarely used by those born after World War II; and newer Southern American English, encompasing rural and urban areas and used by those born after WWII.

  • Use of (a-)fixin' to as an indicator of immediate future action. For example: "He's fixin' to eat," or "We're a-fixin' to go."
  • Use of double modals (might could, might should, might would, used to could, etc.) and sometimes even triple modals that involve oughta (like might should oughta.)
  • Addition of prepositions here or there after this or that - "Johnny, fetch me that there hammer."
  • Deletion of have/hadThat school 0 been there a long time (Cukor-Avila, 2003). This have/had deletion seems to be related to a few other issues.
    • Use of done instead of have in perfect constructions (perfective done), as in "He done come up here" or "You done ate?"
    • Replacement of have (to possess) with got, as in "I got one of them."
    • Use of ain't (a contraction of am not) in place of "have not" in past perfect constructions, as in "I ain't seen nothin'." Ain't can also replace didn't.
  • Using them as a demonstrative pronoun replacing those — "What are them?"
  • Use of irreglar preterits, Such as drowneded as the past tense of drown, knowed as past tense of know, degradated as the past tense of degrade, and seen replacing saw as past tense of see. This also includes using was for were, or in other words regularizing the past tense of be to was — "You was sittin' on that chair."
  • Use of unmarked verb preterits — "They come in here last night." Not marking come for tense is on the decline.
  • Multiple negation — "I don't buy nothing" or "I don't never buy nothing."
  • The so called inceptive get/got to (indicating that an action is just getting started), as in the phrase "I got to talking to him and we ended up talking all night." Get to is more frequent in older SAE, and got to in newer SAE.

The following features are characteristic of older SAE:

  • Zero plural-second person copula, as in "You 0 taller than Sheila" or "They 0 gonna leave today" (Cukor-Avila, 2003).
  • Use of a+verb+ing, such as "He was a-hootin' and a-hollerin,'" or "the wind was a-howlin.'"
  • The use of likta to mean something like "nearly," and often used in violent situations such as "I likta had a heart attack."

The following features are characteristic of newer SAE:

  • Use of the contraction y'all as the second person plural pronoun. Its uncombined form — you all — is used less frequently.
    • When speaking about a group, y'all is general (I know y'all)—as in that group of people is familiar to you and you know them as a whole, whereas all y'all is much more specific and means you know each and every person in that group, not as a whole, but individually ("I know all y'all.") "Y'all" can also be used with the standard "-s" possessive: "I've got y'all's assignments here" = "I've got the assignments of y'all (all of you)."
    • Some Appalachian and Ozark dialects prefer you'uns, and by extension we'uns and they'uns or even 'uns used as a pronominal suffix to certain verbs.
  • Use of dove as past tense for dive, and drug as past sense for drag.

In addition, the following features are often associated with SAE:

  • Regularization of negative past tense do to don't, or in other words using don't for doesn't (he don't, she don't, it don't, John don't).
  • Existential It, as in "It's one lady that lives in town."
  • Preservation of older English "me," "him," etc. as reflexive pronouns. For example, "I'm fixin' to paint me a picture," or "He's gonna catch him a big one."
  • Merging of adjective and adverbial forms of related words (quick/quickly), generally in favor of the adjective.
  • Adverbial use of "right" to mean "quite" or "fairly" — "I'm right tired."

Word use

  • Use of "over yonder" in place of "over there" or "in or at that indicated place," especially when being used to refer to a particularly different spot, such as in "the house over yonder"
  • Use of "to love on someone or something" in place of "to show affection to" or "be affectionate with someone or something." For example: "He was lovin' on his new kitten."
  • Use of the term mosquito hawk for a dragonfly or a crane fly (Diptera Tipulidae).
  • A distinction between the words barbecue and grill. Barbecued chicken is different from grilled chicken, and so on.
  • Use of archaic hit for it.
  • Word use tendencies from the Harvard Dialect Survey:
    • A carbonated beverage in general as coke or cocola, likely influenced by the dominance of Coca-Cola in the region
    • The small land crustaceans that roll when you touch them as roley-poleys rather than pill bugs or woodlouse
    • The push-cart at the grocery store as a buggy
    • The small freshwater crustacean in lakes and streams as a crawdad, crawfish, or crayfish depending on the location (note: the pronunciations of crawfish and crayfish can be inverse to the spelling; i.e. crawfish pronounced as though it was spelled crayfish and vice versa)

Different Southern American English dialects

In a sense, there is no one dialect called "Southern". Instead, there are a number of regional dialect found across the Southern United States.

Virginia Piedmont

The Virginia Piedmont dialect is possibly the most famous of Southern dialects because of its strong influence on the South's speech patterns. Because the dialect has long been associated with the upperclass or aristocratic plantation class in the South, many of the most important figures in Southern history spoke with a Virginia Piedmont accent. Virginia Piedmont is non-rhotic, meaning speakers pronounce "R" only if it is followed by a vowel (contrary to New York City English, wherein non-rhotic accent is now mostly used by middle- and lower-class speakers). The dialect also features the Southern drawl (mentioned above).

Coastal Southern

Coastal Southern resembles Virginia Piedmont but has preserved more elements from the colonial era dialect than almost any other region of the United States. In addition, like Virginia Piedmont, Coastal Southern is non-rhotic.

South Midland

This dialect arose in the Appalachian and Ozark Mountains. The area was settled largely by Scots-Irish, Scottish Highlanders, persons from the North and Western Parts of England and Wales, and has retained a number of elements of Elizabethan English (the language spoken by Shakespeare).

Ozark

This dialect developed in the heart of the Ozark Mountains. The dialect was made famous as the one supposedly spoken by the Beverly Hillbillies.

Baltimorese

Baltimorese, sometimes phonetically written Bawlmerese, is a dialect of American English which originated among the white blue-collar residents of southern Baltimore. Today, it is heard throughout the city and in some areas of central Maryland, in the Mid-Atlantic States, though its "native speakers" remain overwhelmingly white and working class. It shares many characteristics of other types of Southern speech, as might befit a port city of a border state. The films of John Waters, all of which have been filmed in and around Baltimore, usually feature actors and actresses with thick Baltimore accents, particularly in his early films. In the accent, the words Baltimore and towel would be pronounced Bawlmer and tail.

Southern Appalachian

Due to the isolation of the Appalachian regions of the South, the Appalachian accent is one of the hardest for outsiders to understand. This dialect is also rhotic, meaning speakers pronounce "R"s wherever they appear in words.

The Southern Appalachian dialect is, among all the dialects of American English, the one most closely related to the Scottish dialect of English (see also Scots language and Ulster Scots language). The dialect can be heard, as its name implies, in North Georgia, North Alabama, East Tennessee, Western North Carolina, Eastern Kentucky, Southwestern Virginia, and West Virginia. Southern Appalachian speech patterns, however, are not entirely confined to these mountain regions previously listed. For instance, there are places in Georgia far from the mountains where among the white population, the manner of speech is indiscernable from the speech spoken in the North Georgia mountains — for instance Glascock County and Jefferson County in the east central part of the state.

The common thread in the areas of the South where a rhotic version of the dialect is heard is almost invariably a traceable line of descent from Scots or Scots-Irish ancestors amongst its speakers. The dialect is also not devoid of early influence from Welsh settlers, the dialect retaining the Welsh English tendency to pronounce words beginning with the letter "h" as though the "h" were silent; for instance "humble" often is rendered "umble".

Gullah

Main article: Gullah

Sometimes called Geechee, this creole language originated with African American slaves on the coastal areas and coastal islands of Georgia and South Carolina. The dialect was used to communicate with both Europeans and members of African tribes other than their own. Gullah was strongly influenced by West African languages such as Vai, Mende, Twi, Ewe, Hausa, Yoruba, Igbo, and Kikongo. The name and chorus of the Christian hymn "Kumbaya" is said to be Gullah for come by here. Other English words attributed to Gullah are juke (jukebox), goober (Southern term for peanut) and voodoo. In a 1930s study by Lorenzo Dow Turner, over 4,000 words from many different African languages were discovered in Gullah. Other words, such as yez for ears, are just phonetic spellings of English words as pronounced by the Gullahs, on the basis of influence from Southern & Western English dialects.

Gulf Southern

This area of the South was settled by English speakers moving west from Virginia, Georgia, and the Carolinas, along with French settlers from Louisiana (see the section below).

Louisiana

Louisiana features a number of dialects. There is Cajun French, which combines elements of Acadian French with other French and Spanish words. This dialect is spoken by many of the older members of the Cajun ethnic group and is said to be dying out. Many younger Cajuns speak Cajun English, which retains Acadian French influences and words, such as "char" (dear) or "nonc" (uncle). The standard French language can also still be heard in Louisiana, along with different mixtures of all of these dialects and languages. SAE accent is spoken typically in the mid, and northern parts of the state. In New Orleans and the surrounding parishes, you'll typically hear one speaking a dialect which sounds completely different from the SAE accent.

African American Vernacular English

Main article: African American Vernacular English

This type of Southern American English orignated in the Southern States where Africans at that time were held as slaves. These slaves originally spoke indigenous African languages but were forced to speak English to communicate with their masters and each other. Since the slave masters spoke Southern American English, the English the slaves learned, which has developed into what is now African American Vernacular English, had many SAE features. While the African slaves and their descendants lost most of their language and culture, various vocabulary and grammatical features from indigenous West African langugaes remain in AAVE. While AAVE may also be spoken by members of other ethnic groups, it is largely spoken by and associated with blacks in many parts of the U.S. AAVE is considered by a number of English speakers to be a substandard dialect. As a result, AAVE speakers desiring social mobility typically learn to code-switch between AAVE and a more standardized English dialect.

See also

External link

References

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